Our behaviors as individual consumers are having unprecedented impacts on our natural environment (Stern 2000). Partly as a result of our consumption patterns, society and business are confronted with a confluence of factors—including environmental degradation, pollution, and climate change; increasing social inequity and poverty; and the growing need for renewable sources of energy—that point to a new way of doing business (Menon and Menon 1997). In response, many companies are recognizing the need for a sustainable way of doing business, and across industries we see firms such as Interface Carpet, Unilever, Nike, and Starbucks embedding sustainability into the DNA of their brands (Hardcastle 2013). The current research provides a review of the literature regarding sustainable consumer behavior change and outlines a comprehensive psychological framework to guide researchers and practitioners in fostering sustainable behavior.
Theoretical Implications and Directions for Future Research
In our literature review, we identified five routes to sustainable behavior change while delineating specific behavior change strategies within each route. The focus of the review portion of this article has been to identify what the main drivers of sustainable consumer behavior are according to existing research. In the next section, we will go further to highlight a set of theoretical propositions regarding when and why each of the routes to sustainable behavior change (i.e., the SHIFT factors) will be most relevant. We do so by outlining a set of key challenges that make sustainable consumption distinct from typical consumer behaviors: the self–other trade-off, the long time horizon, the requirement of collective action, the problem of abstractness, and the need to replace automatic with controlled processes. We examine each of these challenges to sustainable consumer behavior change through the lens of our SHIFT framework and outline key theoretical propositions and directions for future research.
The Self–Other Trade-Off
Our first challenge to sustainable consumer behavior is that consumers often perceive such actions as having some cost to the self, such as increased effort, increased cost, inferior quality, or inferior aesthetics (Luchs and Kumar 2017). At the same time, sustainable consumer behaviors lead to positive environmental and social impacts that are external to the self (Campbell and Winterich 2018). Thus, although the traditional view of consumer behavior holds that consumers will choose and use products and services in ways that satisfy their own wants and needs (Solomon, White, and Dahl 2017), views of sustainable consumer behaviors often imply putting aside wants that are relevant to the self and prioritizing and valuing entities that are outside of the self (e.g., other people, the environment, future generations, etc.).
The self–other trade-off has implications for how social influence might operate in the context of encouraging sustainable consumer behaviors. Although sustainable consumption often comes at some cost to the self, we suggest that identity signaling can be a self-relevant positive repercussion that can outweigh the costs of sustainable action. This assertion is supported by work showing that consumers are more likely to select sustainable options when the setting is public or status motives are activated (Green and Peloza 2014; Griskevicius, Tybur, and Bergh 2010). A novel proposition building on this work is that product symbolism might have more impact on consumer attitudes and choices when a product is positioned on sustainable versus traditional attributes. By the term "symbolic," we refer to the notion that some products are better able to convey important information about the self to others (Berger and Heath 2007; White and Argo 2011). The marketer could highlight either symbolic benefits (i.e., convey relevant information about the self to others) or functional aspects (i.e., information about satisfying practical needs) linked to a product (Bhat and Reddy 1998). Because there may be fewer direct self-benefits related to a sustainable action, linking a sustainable option with symbolic benefits could be a fruitful strategy.
Another way of overcoming the self–other trade-off is to consider the individual self (Gardner, Gabriel, and Lee 1999). In particular, how the individual views his or her own self-concept might predict sustainable consumer behaviors. Whereas some individuals tend to have a more independent view of the self (i.e., the self is separate and distinct from others), some have a more interdependent self-construal (i.e., the self is connected with others; Markus and Kitayama 1991). One possibility is that those who think of the self in terms of an interdependent self-construal (both as a measured individual difference and as a primed mindset; White, Argo, and Sengupta 2012) might be more inclined to engage in sustainable behaviors (Arnocky, Stroink, and DeCicco 2007), particularly when such actions assist ingroup members (Duclos and Barasch 2014). Moreover, research could examine how to activate even broader, more transcendent construals of the self that encompass not only the self and close others but also other species and the biosphere. Encouraging such transcendent self-views might effectively increase eco-friendly actions.
At the same time, a specific focus on the individual self might be linked to sustainable actions in a way that overcomes uncertainty and is motivating. Giving people a sense of agency (i.e., allowing individuals to perceive themselves as the causal agents of behavioral outcomes) offers them a perception of empowerment and the ability to actually effect change. This might be done through priming of agency to motivate individuals to achieve a given sustainable goal (van der Weiden, Aarts, and Ruys 2013). Because outcomes of sustainable actions are often abstract and uncertain, agency priming might be a relevant motivational tool in the domain of sustainable behavior change. Thus:
Research on the individual self in prosocial contexts also highlights the potential importance of moral identity in overcoming the self–other trade-off. Moral identity refers to a cognitive schema around moral traits, goals, and values (Aquino and Reed 2002). The strength of moral identity can vary as an individual difference (e.g., moral identity centrality), and it can be activated by situational priming (Aquino et al. 2009). Moral identity predicts altruistic and ethical behaviors (Aquino and Reed 2002), and those higher in moral identity appear to have an expansive "circle of moral regard" that includes entities further from the self such as outgroup members (Reed and Aquino 2003). Because of this, individuals who are high in moral identity or who have moral identity primed in some way might be more likely to endure some costs to the self to contribute to a greater good. Although research has looked at moral identity in the domain of prosocial behaviors (Reed, Aquino, and Levy 2007), to our knowledge no prior work has examined whether individuals view sustainable behaviors as moral obligations that are predicted by moral identity.
The self–other trade-off is also linked to how consumers perceive the costs and benefits of sustainable consumption. The literature lacks sufficient work examining the positive consumer associations with sustainability. Although there are a number of studies on the negative associations of sustainable consumption, there are very few that explicitly examine the positive associations. For example, sustainability might be linked to positive feelings about design when it is in the context of innovative, out-of-the-box thinking. Tesla, for example, capitalizes on such associations. Furthermore, it seems likely that sustainability has positive associations with health, local and fresh food, and the outdoors and nature. Sustainable options that connect to growing trends such as healthy and vibrant living, being a "foodie," and being an outdoor enthusiast might do well. Although some research shows that the concept of "organic" is linked to positive associations around health and even being lower in calories (Schuldt and Schwarz 2010), more work could certainly examine implicit positive associations of sustainability in other domains as well.
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P5: Sustainable options and behaviors might have unique positive associations when compared to traditional options, including being healthier, more innovative, and being linked to the outdoors and nature.
The self–other trade-off highlights a heavier research emphasis on the role of "negative self-related" emotions such as guilt and fear. Future work might look further at the role of "positive feeling states that are related to entities outside of the self" in influencing sustainable consumption. For example, researchers have examined the impact of awe—a sense of wonder we feel in the presence of something vast that transcends the individual self—on prosocial behaviors more generally (Piff et al. 2015). However, to our knowledge no work looks at how awe impacts sustainable consumer behaviors. Extant work does show that empathy might be linked to prosocial behaviors (Verhaert and Van den Poel 2011). Although empathy is defined in different ways, it is often conceptualized as an affective state "that stems from the apprehension of another's emotional state or condition, and that is congruent with it" (Eisenberg and Miller 1987, p. 91). Moreover, outwardly focused emotions such as moral elevation might also predict sustainable actions. Moral elevation refers to feelings of warmth and expansion that are linked to admiration and affection in response to seeing exemplary behavior on the part of another individual (Aquino, McFerran, and Laven 2011; Haidt 2003). Examining emotions like awe, empathy, and moral elevation are all directions for future research.
Another possibility, linked to focusing on the self versus others, is to examine the role of aspirational social influence in sustainable consumer behavior change. Is it possible to make the sustainable option or behavior socially desirable to the self by connecting it to aspirational role models such as celebrities and athletes? Although research covers the motivational roles of both ingroup members (Goldstein, Cialdini, and Griskevicius 2008) and dissociative outgroup others (White and Simpson 2013), there is a paucity of research on the impact of aspirational others on influencing sustainable consumer behaviors. One possibility is that aspirational branding could be harnessed to create positive, socially approved associations around the notion of sustainable lifestyles. Marketers could accomplish this by linking sustainable actions to aspirational others in a way that fosters a sense of desirability, luxury, and value linked to sustainable products and behaviors.
Long Time Horizon
Our second challenge to sustainability involves the reality that sustainable behaviors require a long time horizon for outcomes to be realized. Invariably, asking individuals to engage in a pro-environmental behavior means that some of the consequences will be achieved only at a future point in time (Amel et al. 2017). As we have seen, consumers view payoffs to be less desirable the further off the payoffs are in the future (Hardisty and Weber 2009). Relative to sustainable behaviors, most traditional consumer behaviors have consequences that are more immediate. Many payoffs linked to sustainability are so far off in the future that they will not even be observed in the consumer's own lifetime. We call this challenge the "long time horizon."
The notion of the long time horizon is related to the individual self in that it is linked to self-control. Indeed, self-regulation research demonstrates that people have a difficult time regulating the self to forgo benefits in the present for longer-term payoffs in the future (Baumeister et al. 1998; Muraven and Baumeister 2000). Sustainable behaviors present a unique self-regulation dilemma. Whereas most self-regulatory acts involve holding off on some positive reward now in order to receive a later payoff that reflects a self-relevant goal (e.g., not eating ice cream in the present so one can fit into a favorite dress on an upcoming vacation), sustainable behaviors involve putting off something positive now for a future positive outcome that is not only temporally distant but broader than the self (e.g., not purchasing a sporty car to reduce carbon emissions, the effects of which will only be realized in the future and will benefit the environment and other people). Although one would think that the self-control literature has much to say about sustainable behavior change, little work has explicitly looked at the role of self-regulation in determining sustainable actions. Existing work shows that those who have their regulatory resources depleted are more susceptible to temptations and impulse buying (Baumeister 2002). Given that many sustainable behaviors require an effortful cost to the self in the short term for an uncertain future payoff, examining the dynamics of self-control in this domain could be productive. It is possible that sustainable behaviors require even more self-control than other self-control behaviors. For example, the same action (e.g., being vegan) could be positioned in terms of sustainability versus health goals, and it may be that self-regulation is more likely to fail for sustainability reasons given that such behaviors have fewer clear future implications for the self. Research might examine this and consider how to enhance self-regulation in the sustainability domain. One idea involves interventions to make the natural world part of the extended self, thereby transforming future environmental benefits into self-benefits, which could improve self-regulation.
The long time horizon associated with sustainable behavior is related to feelings in that people often have to undergo hedonic costs to the self in the present to maximize some positive sustainable outcome in the future. Needless to say, this is often difficult, as people are usually hesitant to give up their own affective benefits. However, acting in a manner that helps others has been shown to provide positive affect, which is sometimes termed the "warm glow" effect (Giebelhausen et al. 2016). Focusing on how sustainable behaviors can create positive affect in the present might increase sustainable behaviors. We propose that:
The long time horizon is linked to tangibility as well. Although people generally care less about future outcomes, the degree to which they care varies across individuals. People with higher "discount rates" care less about future outcomes (Hardisty and Weber 2009). Likewise, people with lower consideration of future consequences (Strathman et al. 1994) express weaker pro-environmental intentions (Joireman et al. 2001). Therefore, tangibility interventions (such as communicating local and proximal impacts) may be especially effective for these individuals. In contrast, those with low discount rates and high consideration of future consequences are already attuned to future outcomes and may be less influenced by tangibility interventions. Thus:
In addition, the long time horizon and self–other trade-off are both linked to how tangibility could play a role in determining sustainable consumer behaviors. Environmental impacts are not likely to be observed until the future, most likely by future generations. As such, interventions that increase the tangibility of the effects of acting (or not acting) sustainably on future generations might encourage more sustainable actions. One possibility involves perspective-taking interventions (Maner et al. 2002) that encourage the consumer to adopt the viewpoint of future generations. Thus, we propose that:
A final implication of the long time horizon is linked to all of the SHIFT factors. One striking facet of the current review is that most of the existing research involves surveys or experiments that take place at a single point in time (Iyer and Reczek 2017). Future research could profitably examine the longitudinal effects of different interventions on sustainable behaviors. Moreover, a dichotomy that our framework highlights is the short-term versus long-term focus of the different behavior change strategies. Although some of the constructs are driven by the immediate context and lead to short-term behavior change, other constructs lead to more enduring behavior change over the long term. For example, although tools related to feelings and cognition and habit-formation tools that focus on in-the-moment behavior shaping can be effective in the current context, sustainable actions can disappear once they are removed. It may be optimal to ensure a balance of in-the-moment behavior-shaping tools (e.g., incentives, penalties, making it easy) with ways of making these behaviors last over time (e.g., relating the actions to the consumer's morals, values, self-concept, self-consistency). Future research could test this possibility.
The Challenge of Collective Action
Sustainable behaviors often require collective as opposed to individual action (Bamberg, Rees, and Seebauer 2015). A large group of people must undertake sustainable behaviors for the benefits to be fully realized. This differs from traditional consumer behaviors in which the outcome is realized if the individual engages in the action alone. This is also distinct from other behaviors with a long time horizon like health promotion behaviors (e.g., exercising and eating healthy) because these can be enacted at the individual level with observable results.
The "challenge of collective action" is relevant to how social influence might operate when considering sustainable (vs. conventional) actions. When people observe others engaging in an action, this may increase perceptions of collective efficacy or "a group's shared belief in its conjoint capabilities to organize and execute the courses of action required to produce given levels of attainments" (Bandura 1997, p. 477). Although collective efficacy has received little attention in the sustainability domain, researchers have examined it in the contexts of organizational leadership (Chen and Bliese 2002) and political action (Velasquez and LaRose 2015). Drawing on this work, we suggest that collective efficacy can be a compelling motivator of sustainable consumer behavior. In fact, because sustainable outcomes require that actions be undertaken on a very large scale, it may be that collective action is more motivational in the domain of sustainability than other positive behavior domains. This is an open question for future research to examine. Thus:
The consideration of feelings has potential implications for how to overcome the challenge of collective action. Although some research has looked at the role of collective emotions (i.e., feelings that group members widely share as group-level goals are pursued or thwarted; Sullivan 2015), the types of emotions studied in this domain have been limited to past group actions resulting in guilt or pride (Antonetti and Maklan 2014; Bissing-Olson, Fielding, and Iyer 2016). Meanwhile, sustainable actions might be better fostered using other types of collective emotions. For example, collective feelings of anger and hope have been shown to predict collective action (Wlodarczyk et al. 2017). Thus, we propose:
In a similar vein, cognitions about collective actions might also facilitate sustainable behaviors. Because sustainable behaviors have the unique property of requiring collective action, one possibility is that communicating collective-level outcomes such as climate justice could be influential in encouraging such behaviors. Although thoughts about perceived ability to restore justice have been shown to lead to actions such as selecting fair-trade products (White, MacDonnell, and Ellard 2012), it might be the case that conveying collective notions of justice (e.g., communicating information about collective impacts and consequences of unjust, unsustainable actions) would be impactful in the domain of encouraging sustainable consumer behaviors. In particular, communication about inequitable distributions of negative environmental threats and how these are felt by communities that are the most vulnerable might be a compelling message (Lazarus 1994).
Collective action is also linked to tangibility. Anecdotally, a popular technique for motivating green behavior is to advertise the collective impact. For example, "If everyone in the United States washed their clothes with cold water instead of hot, we would save around 30 million tons of CO2 per year" ("Snappy Living" 2011). Despite the popularity of this type of messaging to promote green behavior in an applied context, to the best of our knowledge it has not been tested in the academic literature. We predict that this type of messaging has differential impacts for tangible versus intangible outcomes due to two opposing forces. On the one hand, collective impact framing highlights the collective action problem (e.g., "There's no way everyone in the U.S. would do this!"), which might decrease sustainable action. On the other hand, it scales up the perceived size of the impact, which could increase sustainable behavior (Camilleri and Larrick 2014). Because people are often insensitive to large numeric changes in environmental outcomes (Schkade and Payne 1994), such that "3 million" tons of CO2 would be treated the same as "300 million," it may be more effective to use tangible representations featuring visual images and analogies (e.g., "a garbage heap the size of the Empire State Building").
The Need to Replace Automatic with Controlled Processes
We note that many unsustainable behaviors have become learned in ways that make them automatic rather than controlled in nature. Engaging in sustainable consumption thus often means (at least initially) replacing relatively automatic behavioral responses with more effortful new responses (e.g., carrying one's own shopping bag). This challenge can be related to habit formation. Recall that one means of influencing habitual change is by leveraging discontinuity, or the notion that major life change events can allow for other forms of habit change to occur. It is also possible that a certain mindset (beyond rare major life changes) can lead to habit change (Price et al. 2017). Individuals who have a "fresh start" mindset exhibit more positive attitudes toward products that allow for a fresh start, and they hold more positive intentions to donate to charities focused on giving recipients a new beginning (Price et al. 2017). The authors define a fresh start mindset as "a belief that people can make a new start, get a new beginning, and chart a new course in life, regardless of their past or present circumstances" (p. 22), and they show that it can be both measured and manipulated. A fresh start mindset might be applicable in terms of habit formation. Taking a "fresh start" view of a new behavior might serve as a form of discontinuity that makes habit change more likely.
Although the adoption of sustainable behavior often requires overriding an automatic habit with a controlled one, this process may be facilitated by tangibility. Because tangible outcomes are more vivid and immediate, they may provoke more experiential (rather than analytic) processing (Chaiken and Trope 1999), leading people to base their decisions more on emotions and heuristics. Therefore, tangibility may increase the effectiveness of heuristic-based interventions (such as defaults or framing) and decrease the effectiveness of calculation-based interventions (such as attribute scaling; Camilleri and Larrick 2014). For example, when buying a car online, representing the fuel efficiency as cost per 100,000 miles may be more effective, whereas when buying a car in person, a personal anecdote from the salesman about rarely needing to fill up the tank might be more effective. Thus, we propose:
The Problem of Abstractness
Our last challenge to encouraging sustainable consumer behaviors is that such actions are often characterized as being abstract, uncertain, and difficult for the consumer to grasp (Reczek, Trudel, and White 2018). Furthermore, the consequences of sustainable actions can involve uncertain and fuzzy outcomes (Weber 2010). Although distant future outcomes are often abstract, immediate and local environmental outcomes are also frequently abstract (e.g., energy efficiency, air quality, biodiversity). Although traditional consumer behaviors can carry different elements of risk and uncertainty, the outcomes of choices in traditional consumer contexts are usually more clear and certain than they are in sustainable consumer contexts.
The problem of abstractness can be addressed by considering social influence. One reason why people are influenced by social factors is because we often look to the expectations and behaviors of others when the situation is uncertain (Cialdini 2007). There is evidence, for example, that unfamiliar behaviors are more likely to be influenced by norms than are more familiar behaviors (White and Simpson 2011). Thus, when the sustainable consumer behavior is in some way ambiguous (e.g., "Exactly what is the most sustainable option for baby diapers?") or uncertain (e.g., "Will engaging in this behavior really have the desired impact?"), people may be more influenced by social factors. Those who are high in the individual differences of uncertainty avoidance (Hofstede 2001) might be more influenced by social factors when abstractness is high. Thus:
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P19: When the sustainable action or the outcome is ambiguous, uncertain, or new in some way (vs. being clear, certain, and well-established), social factors such as the presence of, behaviors of, and/or expectations of others will be more influential in determining behavior. This might be pronounced among those high in uncertainty avoidance.
Habit formation can also be relevant in tackling the problem of abstractness. Climate change and other issues are serious, nebulous, and can have large-scale consequences, making the acts carried out by individuals seem small and inconsequential. This can lead to green fatigue, or demotivation that is the result of information overload and lack of hope for meaningful change (Strother and Fazal 2011), and such hopelessness can be demotivating to consumers (Guyader, Ottosson, and Witell 2017). One solution may be to celebrate small and concrete wins that can positively reinforce further sustainable actions and keep consumers engaged.
The problem of abstractness also relates to the individual self. In fact, one way to combat the problem of abstract and uncertain outcomes might be to directly consider how they could impact the individual self. As we have seen, making sustainable impacts and outcomes seem local and relevant to the self can encourage sustainable consumer behaviors. However, future research might consider other means of connecting sustainable outcomes more clearly to the self. For example, Hershfield et al. (2011) manipulated a focus on the future self by showing people a digital image of what their future self might look like. These researchers found that increasing connectedness to the future self increases willingness to invest in retirement savings (Hershfield et al. 2011). It is possible that manipulations that create a connection between the current and future self will lead to increases in sustainable consumer behaviors.
Sustainable behaviors can also be made to feel less abstract by making the current emotional benefits and costs more concrete. Future work might examine which different communication modes are most appropriate for making individuals feel emotions linked to sustainable behaviors. Images are known to activate emotions more readily in contexts such as communicating about intergroup conflicts (Brantner, Lobinger, and Wetzstein 2011). Visual information may best communicate how environmental issues will affect others in order to elicit concrete emotions, and these communications may potentially have an enhanced effect on those who are visualizers (Richardson 1977).
The problem of abstractness can be related to feelings. Allowing consumers to understand the impact of their actions might help facilitate relevant emotions and reduce perceived abstractness. In the domain of charitable giving, highlighting the impact has been shown to lead to greater emotional rewards attached to the behavior (Aknin et al. 2013). Previous work, however, has not looked at the specific emotions tied to impact in sustainable consumer behaviors. For example, making the potential impact clear and concrete may be more likely to lead to anticipatory pride (vs. other anticipatory states) linked to the sustainable action.
Feelings might also be linked to the problem of abstractness in another way. The ubiquity of social media and sharing exposes consumers to others who might communicate their actions linked to sustainability. For instance, people may share pictures of their commute by bike or by carpool, along with how they are feeling during the journey. Experiencing positive emotions leads to greater feelings of closeness (Van Boven et al. 2010; Waugh and Fredrickson 2006), and we tend to feel greater empathy for and thus more strongly experience the emotions of close others (Escalas and Stern 2003). Thus, close others sharing their emotions involved in carrying out sustainable behaviors should be more effective at reducing abstractness by increasing the strength of the emotions we expect to feel when we engage in the behavior.
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P24: Social distance will lead to emotional contagion when emotional responses to sustainable behaviors are shared with others, such that close (vs. distant) others sharing how they experience positive emotions when carrying out sustainable behavior will make the benefits of the behavior seem more concrete.
Finally, the problem of abstractness is linked to tangibility. One possible way to increase tangibility of actions and outcomes (and to make information less abstract) is to employ analogies. Because sustainability is an abstract and intangible concept, comparing a sustainable action or outcome to a familiar experience or example unrelated to sustainability might facilitate greater connection between the consumer and the concept of sustainability. Thus, future work might examine the following:
Associate Editor
Wayne Hoyer served as associate editor for this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The authors thank Sitra, the Finnish Innovation Fund, for financial support for the preliminary stages of this research. In addition, Professors White and Hardisty gratefully acknowledge grants from the Social Sciences and Humanties Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada.
Online supplement: https://doi.org/10.1177/0022242919825649
ORCID iD
Katherine White 
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3794-8247
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